Vietnam's Strategic Wisdom：Lessons for Taiwan
Want Daily Editorial, November 4, 2022
General Secretary Nguyễn Phú Trọng of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) Central Committee was invited by Xi Jinping to visit mainland China with a CPV delegation for four days from October 10. Nguyễn is the first foreign leader ever received by Mr. Xi after his re-election as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, demonstrating both sides value the importance of their relations. The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) took effect on January 1, 2022. In addition, both mainland China and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries hope to complete the consultation on the South China Sea Code of Conduct as soon as possible, which will usher the regional integration into a new phase. Vietnam has strong influence over Southeast Asia and thus is an object of competition and wooing between the rivalling United States and China. How Vietnam deal with this situation is worthy of Taiwan’s attention.
Managing Differences Over Sovereignty Disputes in South China Sea
The 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party set a good neighbor policy of deepening the bonds of friendship, mutual trust and beneficial relations with adjacent countries, Southeast Asia is therefore the first target of the Chinese “Major Diplomatic Initiatives” after the 20th Party Congress. Wang Yi told a special envoy of ASEAN that China will regard its relations with neighboring countries the most important foreign relations, and ASEAN is the top priority. Vietnam is China’s largest trading partner in ASEAN. However, China and Vietnam have sovereignty dispute over the South China Sea. If Beijing can stabilize its relations with Vietnam, then it would serve as a foundation to enhance China’s influence in Southeast Asia.
The Vietnamese delegation this time was quite large, and it also received the highest level of Chinese reception. Besides Mr. Xi, Premier Li Keqiang, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress Li Zhanshu, Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Wang Yang have also met with the delegation respectively, indicating both sides’ willingness to establish a comprehensive strategic cooperation.
This visit accentuates the overtones of political parties. Nguyễn Phú Trọng was invited in the capacity of General Secretary of the CPV Central Committee to highlight the special relationship of Vietnam and China, both being socialist countries with the communist party leadership. Both sides recognize that Vietnam and China are not just neighbors with shared borders, but also “comrades and brothers” with revolutionary friendship. Both sides stress that their countries will insist on the unwavering leadership of the communist party, the socialist path with national characteristics, and the opposition to “peaceful evolution” and “color revolutions” waged by foreign powers.
Both China and Vietnam emphasize that the effort to stabilize socialist national political institutions doesn’t mean to export revolution but rather to affirm the bilateral close and special relationship. China’s relations with neighboring region historically have been in various levels of closeness and treatment according to bloodlines, cultures, social connections, geopolitics, trade, political and economic relations. The interactions between Beijing and other regional countries and political entities are not confined to the system of Westphalian sovereignty. Besides the concept of sovereignty, the historic context, geopolitical relations, trade and economic interests and the status as a friend or foe will also affect Beijing’s attitude and manner of engagement.
Vietnam Creating Conditions, Refusing to Take Sides
Beijing’s opposition to foreign powers’ attempt to alter the national political system has certain persuasiveness to Vietnam from a socialist comrade’s perspective. Its effectiveness perhaps can be examined in the “South China Sea Code of Conduct” pending for immediate acceptance. Vietnam’s future development in the Southeast Asian production system will also be a guide to examine the prospect of strategic cooperation between the two countries.
Southeast Asia is a soft spot for the American Indo-Pacific Strategy. The United States is trying to catch up since Vietnam is the pivot of the American strategy. Judging from the historic visit by Vice President Kamala Harris of the United States to Vietnam last year and another visit this year by Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman, it is obvious the United States intends to win over Vietnam.
The United States will also be present in the next few rounds of diplomatic events in Southeast Asia. President Joe Biden will soon visit Cambodia to attend the U.S.-ASEAN Summit and the East Asia Summit, while Vice President Harris is going to attend the APEC Summit in Thailand and visit the Philippines afterwards.
Southeast Asian countries welcome the continued American presence in Asia to counterbalance the influence of mainland China, yet they also hope to maintain the close political and economic relations with Beijing to boost regional prosperity. They don’t want to choose sides, neither does Vietnam. Therefore, Vietnam will unlikely to tilt towards China even if this high-level visit is successful in strengthening the bilateral strategic cooperation.
A strategic equilibrium is not getting advantages both ways or keeping equal distances, but rather using one’s own advantage to carefully find the best ways of connection and interaction from a rational perspective of national interests. Vietnam used to have military conflicts and historic entanglements with the United States and China, yet Vietnam refuses to fall into the fog of historic hatred or sadness and strives to find the proper language and common interests to walk amongst the major powers.
Due to the special historic and social bonds of Taiwan and mainland China, the modern sovereignty concept cannot be applied to the interaction and exchange between the two sides, let alone the legal specifications under the amendments to the Republic of China Constitution and the Act Governing Cross-Strait Relations. For the sake of future development of Taiwan, the Cross-Strait mutual interests and the constitutional order, the DPP should actively create an opportunity to reopen the gate of Cross-Strait exchanges and secure our strategic independence. Nguyễn Phú Trọng and Xi Jinping have found a common ground of “socialist countries with the communist party leadership” to overcome their strategic differences. If China and Vietnam can, then why can’t Taiwan and mainland China?
From: https://www.chinatimes.com/opinion/20221104004069-262102?chdtv